Invest in Democracy in Exile rather than eradicating it

A. History's Geometry
1) Despite the lack of security programs for human rights defenders and journalists in exile, international organizations such as the European Union (EU), the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), Front Line Defenders (FLD), Freedom House, and Amnesty International (AI) fund hundreds of human rights defenders or send journalists into exile each year. Exile, on the other hand, has silenced journalists and rights activists since exile is not included in international efforts to protect at-risk journalists and rights activists.
2) As a result of their work, journalists and human rights defenders face persecution, including arbitrary arrests, smear campaigns, physical attacks, torture, extrajudicial killings, and enforced disappearances, which can sometimes force them into exile, where they face personal and professional difficulties, including increased risks of insecurity incidents when compared to the countries they fled from due to security.

3) Except for human rights defenders and journalists who chose their area of exile based on pre-existing professional or educational prospects, exiled human rights defenders and journalists frequently experience severe economic hardships, leaving them more vulnerable to international reprisals. Many of these journalists and activists have turned to silence as a form of safety. However, silence does not always protect, and the principle of solidarity has proven to be a critical and proactive tool for them to continue their work safely, especially when international organizations such as the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and indispensable organizations that protect journalists and human rights defenders in danger refuse to support democracy in exile.

4) My name is António Capalandanda, and I've been an Angolan journalist for approximately 20 years. Before being exiled in South Africa in 2015, I worked in Angola for the Angolan newspaper Folha 8, Jornal Angolense, Maka Angola, the Portuguese agency Lusa, and Reuters. The majority of my time was spent as a correspondent for the Voice of America (VoA) in Southern Africa. Front Line Defenders, an international organization that works to protect human rights defenders at risk around the world, recognized me as a human rights activist in 2012 for my contribution to the promotion of human rights in Angola, both through my reporting published in the media platforms with which I collaborated while still in Angola and through my ability to articulate with various actors of local and international civil society.

5) Fearing for my safety as a result of the escalation of persecution against me, which included death threats, acts of surveillance, theft of work equipment, and attempts to buy me off with an offer of employment in the Angolan government in exchange for my silence, I turned to international organizations for the protection of at-risk journalists and human rights defenders such as Front Line Defenders, Committee to Protection of journalists (CPJ), Rory Peck Trust (RPT), Southern African Media Institute (MISA) e a União Europe Union ( EU). Between 2013 and early 2015, with the assistance of these international organizations, I escaped to Ireland, then to Kenya, eventually moving between Tanzania, Mozambique, Namibia, and the Kingdom of Swaziland, marking steps and hoping that the situation in Angola would normalize. In Mozambique, I began writing for the Mozambican weekly newspaper Savana, but I had to cease writing for that newspaper for security reasons even though I was under the condition of anonymity to prevent transnational repression.
6) As a security precaution, I returned to Angola for the first time in March 2015, but I was unable to restart my work and could not communicate to anybody critical of the Angolan regime. A little frustrated, I came to South Africa in April 2015 with the support of the same organizations for what was supposed to be a three-month stay for a course to improve my English, I ended up starting what would become, as Phillip De Wet reported to the Mail & Guardian at the time, "a difficult process of applying for asylum in South Africa soon after." https://mg.co.za/article/2015-08-27-angolan-asylum-seeker-to-test-sas-love-affair-with-china/

7) On June 16, the Voice of America published an article that validated reports that the Angolan government had handed over thousands of hectares of land occupied by Angolan farmers to the Chinese in exchange for Chinese money. According to De Wet, the report was “ political dynamite.” Human rights activists and journalists were arrested in Angola on June 20 and accused of plotting a coup.

8) Without having had enough time to consider the ramifications, I applied for asylum on July 28th, with the authorities issuing me a temporary permit, the document that qualifies a person as an asylum seeker. Surveillance and death threats against me continued even after I asked for asylum.

9) On June 1, 2016, eleven months after I sought asylum, I was followed by four men who pulled a gun on me and demanded my passport, temporary permit, and cell phone. The event occurred as in Durban, KwaZulu-Natal, and just days after I had received direct threats from a purported Angolan security agent in Durban. Surprisingly, the burglars did not take any money from my pocket, nor did they grab my laptop, which I was carrying.

10) On June 7th, that year, the State Department advised me to contact Lawyers for Human Rights (LHR) for help in filing the robbery case with the police and exhausting all local options. Two days later, I met with Thandeka Duma, an LHR attorney who assisted me get in touch with the South African Secret Service Agency to assess my case. Captain Zimande, a South African Secret Service official, met with me on June 10, 2016, at one of the agency's Durban headquarters. He told me that the nature of the crime suggested that the Angolan government was involved. According to Zimande, the Angolan government intended to wear me down psychologically by putting up a number of roadblocks in exile or setting up a trap to arrest me when I returned. He had recommended that I file a case and obtain a case number.

11) Since then, my temporary permit has been the only document that has allowed me to legally live in South Africa. Access to fundamental rights is constrained due to the insecurity of the documents, and the South African Home Affairs system is inefficient. In South Africa, for example, asylum applicants are officially forbidden from leaving the country until the country's competent authorities make a decision on their applications.

12) My permit expired on May 25, 2020, just a few days after the South African Department of Home Affairs closed refugee reception desks to prevent the spread of COVID 19. Since May 6, 2021, South African authorities have been offering online services to asylum seekers seeking visa extensions and refugee status, allowing holders of an asylum seeker visa or refugee status to request an extension of visa validity via email rather than physically going to a refugee reception desk. I applied via email for an extension of the validity of my asylum seeker visa on October 28, 2021, and I've been waiting for the document to be renewed ever since.

13) When I reserve a hostel stay, my paperwork is sometimes declined because it is out of date. I've been trying to establish a media company for over four years, but I can't because I don't have the necessary documentation. As a result, I am unable to work, pay my rent, buy food, or pay my medical costs.
14) On April 14, 2022, I went to the District Six Clinic, a public hospital in Cape Town, South Africa, and the doctor told me that I had a bone problem. Hunger was one of the primary causes of my condition. I never questioned my own frailty, but I pushed over the limits of my fragile existence for reasons beyond my control. I've been in exile for about eight years, during which time I've been forced to survive with minimal food. It has been scientifically shown that when adequate amounts of calcium are not consumed in meals, calcium is taken from the bones to support other, more noble functions of the body, which is damaging to these structures. Working on the computer day and night used to be no problem for me, but because of my health, I can't write for more than two hours without stopping to stretch my legs.

B. Cape Town illegal eviction:

15) Without a court order, a construction team began removing the room ceiling I rented while I was in it on August 4, 2002. I lived in a three-bedroom house in Baker Street, Observatory, Cape Town, with a Kenyan university student named Bernard, a Malawian couple, and their three-year-old asthmatic daughter, Sofia. Nobody in the Malawian immigrant family was at home on the day of the tragedy.

16) I was forced to gather everything I could and exit the room as quickly as I could to avoid being hit by the stones and metal that fell from the ceiling when it collapsed. Bernard said that he ran out of time to pack and leave the house, so some of his items were also "left behind."

17) I lived in one of seven unstable houses in a housing complex on Baker Street in Observatory, Cape Town, that McWilliams claimed ownership of. I had contacted the Rental Housing Tribune a few days before eviction to protest the McWilliams' refusal to provide municipal services by turning off the water and power in an attempt to illegally evict me from the property. The majority of the complex's tenants were foreign nationals, who had also been brutally displaced a few days before I had been. Several people, including two pregnant women, were left sleeping on the streets after the private security company barricaded the doors while families were out of their homes and before the roofs were removed. It was impossible to tell whether the building firm or the security company was responsible for the demolition of my former neighbors' roofs. McWilliams, who also represented Evolution Properties, a property business in Cape Town, said the eviction was necessary so that the properties could be demolished and redeveloped.

18) I was ill, without a place to sleep, and suffering from severe malnutrition due to a lack of proper food. I approached international organizations such as Reporters Without Borders, the European Union, the Committee to Protect Journalists, Front Line Defenders, Freedom House, Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch, but none of them could assist me. Meanwhile, the Rory Peck Trust, an organization dedicated to the protection of freelance journalists worldwide, said that it has spent its entire budget for 2022 due to unprecedented demand. "Therefore , we are unable to accept any further applications at this time," Rory Peck explained in an email to me on November 17, 2022.

19) While significant international institutions have declined to defend democracy and freedom in exile, South African media outlets such as Media 24 and the Daily Maverick have been battling for it.

20) Angela Quintal, CPJ Africa Coordinator, personally called Adriaan Basson, Editor-in-Chief of News24, and Branko Brkic, Editor-in-Chief of the Daily Maverick, to gain support from Media 24 and the Daily Maverick. Quintal has been following my situation since I contacted her via WhatsApp on August 10, 2022. Despite her personal support, I never received institutional help from the CPJ in exile. Media 24 offered me a laptop, and the Daily Maverick granted me access to the newsroom as well as help with accommodation and food for three months. With its three-month emergency fund, the Daily Maverick covered my accommodation at the Atlantic Point, an appealing hostel in Green Point, Cape Town, until December 2022, after which time the company would be unable to meet the financial commitment. Despite the fact that I still owe the hostel money for my January 2023 stay, I wish I could remain longer. Thank you to the owner of Atlantic Point for your patience and the opportunity to continue sharing values. Maria da Graça, my Angolan sister, bought an Android and began occasionally transferring money for food.

C. Relevant facts:

21) I had resolved to return to Angola voluntarily due to a lack of protection from the United Nations and international organizations for human rights defenders and journalists at risk. Between the end of June and the beginning of August 2022, I made contact with the University of Cape Town's Refugee Rights Unit. Refugees and asylum seekers in South Africa can get free legal aid from the UCT Refugee Rights Unit. The UNHCR and other organizations provide financial support for the clinic. The UCT Refugee Rights Unit is a partner in the UNHCR's program implementation in Cape Town, according to the UCT website.

22) The team member who helped me, Nail Marinus, told me that requesting a passport at the Angolan embassy to exit the nation would be against the law and might result in legal problems. I questioned him about the likelihood that I would make a request to Home Affairs to withdraw or cancel my permit as an asylum seeker. He advised me not to since, if I did, the day after I turned it in to Home Affairs, I would no longer qualify for asylum. He gently reminded me that I could only be in South Africa legally thanks to my asylum seeker permit. On August 10, I sent Marinus an email to see if there was anything I could do to speed up the process and to ask what would happen if I revoked my asylum seeker permit at the South African embassy in Luanda, Angola. Two weeks after our meeting and six days after my illegal eviction, I sent him an email. He did not respond.

23) Due to protests by refugees and asylum seekers there against the xenophobic violence in South Africa, the UNHCR shut down its Cape Town headquarters at Green Market Square in 2019. As a result, it now appears to operate discreetly in some locations. I've been calling the helpline daily since August 22 but nobody has ever answered. When I call or send a WhatsApp message to Helene Corx, a UNHCR spokesperson, she doesn't answer. I wrote to Emmanuelle Mitte, a Statelessness Specialist with UNHCR, on October 14th, requesting her help with UNHCR. I sent her an email, but she didn't respond.

24) On January 3, 2023, I met with James Chapman, a member of the Scalabrini Center of Cape Town's advocacy team, an organization that works to meet the needs of migrants and refugees, displaced people, and others affected by human mobility. He stated that if there is a security risk in Angola, voluntary repatriation would be against UN guidelines; nevertheless, it is up to UNHCR to determine whether this is the case.

25) Ana Guedes, Voice of America's director of Portuguese service, encouraged me to make a pitch on December 14, 2022, the day I planned to pre-launch the fundraising campaign, and Amnesty International's Cidia Alcido Chissungo wanted to hear from me on the same day, the 14th. Because of the sensitivity of my situation, I assured Ana that I would think about it. She was aware of the situation. Amnesty International indicated that, due to the Christmas holidays, it would seek clarification from the United Nations in January 2023.

26) Despite the Angolan government's assurances of my protection, journalists and human rights defenders in Angola and abroad, including family members, warned me not to return to Angola, citing security concerns. As a result, I've decided to resume my work as an exile journalist, which will be impossible without public assistance. I am not looking for donations but investment to strengthen my ability to work as a journalist in exile. I'd like to start producing content for The Daily Maverick and Voice of America, Media 24, GroundUp, The New Humanitarian, The Mail and Globe, and other platforms as soon as possible, as well as build an internet business to support freedom and democracy.

D. My Claim Basis:

27) The 1950 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Statute, which also acts as a source of authority for the High Commissioner, is a crucial source of rights for refugees, asylum seekers, and stateless people.

28) The UNHCR's mandate to ensure that states uphold their obligations to refugees and asylum seekers globally is directly tied to the High Commissioner's mandate to ensure the ethical implementation of the global protection system. Statelessness and forced displacement are unquestionably problems that the international community is concerned about.

29) International refugee protection instruments are the finest illustration of how UNHCR was founded as the governing body with de facto legal authority to mediate on behalf of refugees and asylum seekers due to the particular nature of this group that lacks protection in their own countries.

30) According to the document, the High Commissioner shall provide for the protection of refugees falling under the competence of his Office by: a) Promoting through special agreements with Governments the execution of any measures calculated to improve the situation of refugees and to reduce the number requiring protection.

E. Problem:

31) When democracy in exile is not defended, journalists and human rights activists are not safe in exile. Democracy is applied to defend freedom around the world. As a reason, investing in democracy is essential; after all, there is no freedom without democracy. Now is the time to elevate democracy around the world by investing in the value of democracy. Exile, as a location of integrity, is a safe haven for democracy.

F. The Power of Solidarity:

32) Solidarity is one of the most reliable and efficient protective systems for journalists and human rights defenders in exile. Solidarity is an excellent indicator of public trust, and it is essential to understand the support that can be derived from public trust, particularly when the international community refuses to include exile in its measures to protect journalists and human rights defenders at risk all over the world.

For example, the African Union Special Rapporteur's draft report on the situation of human rights defenders in exile advises exiles to establish a preventive rather than a reactive approach to security and suggests investing in solidarity networks.
Public trust fosters democracy both in exile and in the countries of origin of exiled journalists and human rights activists, as well as in other parts of the world when people respond to the call.

G. Advocacy Plan: Do Not Eradicate the Word

33) Do Not Eradicate the Word is a fundraiser open to both my traditional and new audiences.

H. The Initiative has Four Goals:

34) I'm asking you, my present and possible new audiences, to invest in my capacity to regain my critical work as a journalist in exchange for me beginning to produce high-quality content to you via social media, other platforms, and the phone; b) After eight years of exile, silence, and lack of protection, there is an urgent need to reconnect with my old audience and make new connections with audiences all over the world; c) Put pressure on UNHCR to execute its core mandate in South Africa; d) Put pressure on international organizations that work to protect journalists and human rights activists at risk to defend the "tradition of democracy in exile."

I. Pre-launch Sequence: Get to know your target audience and deliver on their needs.

35. Why Petition?

The petition It's just the beginning—not only gathering signatures for the UN but also discovering my community base, from which I'll launch future efforts.

Because of the scenario's complexity, a simple and innovative structure will be used: beginning with petition, interviews with traditional media, live streaming through social networks, and then translating that into content to generate visibility, increase traffic, generate leads, and build loyal followers. Pre-launch is not the same as product launch; rather, it is the pitching of a concept and the beginning of product development with the audience.

j. Launch Sequence: International conference on the situation of exiled journalists and human rights activists.

36. The initiative embraces and interprets new instruments and technology that constitute democratic culture and are critical to the promotion of freedom wherever in the globe; a) a) The event will bring together journalists, human rights advocates in exile from all over the world, as well as technology developers, artists, entrepreneurs and investors; b) It is an opportunity for the peace industry to emerge, particularly at a time when the war industry is thriving and the world faces the threat of nuclear war; c) c) The war in Cabinda and Ukraine and, the business potential for peacebuilding.

K. The Open Content:

37. Focus on the transformative offer in the open content. Everything revolves around adding value to the audience. It is about delivering value to the world and sharing that value with those who can benefit the most from it.

L. The Power of Collaboration:

38. Collaboration is a place of value exchange, as it improves the value of each brand now while creating solid foundations for the future.

O. Opportunity:

39. With rising customer expectations, shifting consumer preferences, shifting buying habits, and developing trends that emphasize the value of trust, organizations have an opportunity to build long-term relationships with their clients. The campaign offers a smart marketing concept and is open to companies that genuinely want to expand their means and are motivated by value. The project will assist brands in clearly and effectively expressing their values. It is a fantastic opportunity to promote the company's brands, which are based on values and incorporate optimism and creativity.